The hard news you knew weeks ago: Glendening’s gun bill passed and was signed into law. Who could have missed pictures from the Annapolis photo op with Bill Clinton? There he stood supervising Parris Glendening, Senate President Mike Miller and House Speaker Casper Taylor as they inked his legislation. Look close and you’ll see the puppet strings in the picture. And don’t overlook Lt Gov Kathleen Kennedy in the photo – what’s a gun control love fest without a fawning Kennedy?

The weeks since end of session give us opportunity to examine what happened with some perspective. (They also give us a chance to save up for postage … we really blew the wad on alerts to the readership during session!) Perspective is important: Everything happens for a reason. We can’t fully understand what happened in Annapolis until we analyze events in context.

Do you think events aren’t connected? Think again. The White House negotiated with Smith & Wesson for its ‘voluntary’ agreement on how (not) to sell handguns. At just the right moment, Clinton’s lawyers agreed to revisions to clinch a deal, enabling Glendening to boast how his legislation – based on the same template – was obviously do-able.

Earlier in session, an ‘independent’ opinion poll popped into the news to tell how everyone wants gun control. Proponents push polls to comfort hesitant legislators who worry about consequences for their actions. It turns out this reassurance was manufactured too: the company that produced these numbers is run by hacks with ties to Glendening. In fact, as the report circulated in Annapolis, the company’s advertisement in trade magazines boasted it can create "public support on demand."

These and other coordinated steps combined to make us the first state in the nation to codify gun-lock measures into law, not just a contract. Another fundamental piece of the Bill Clinton puzzle falls into place. The ‘Million Mom March’ on Mother’s Day is another puzzle piece. It looks independent, until you find it’s run by a media professional who is a personal friend of the Clintons. Signs of broad support for ‘sensible gun control’– however manufactured they are – are just want Clinton wants in place as Congress works in summer session. He’ll fill in the definition of ‘sensible’ later. Everything happens for a reason.

Gun control advocates closed ranks for this bill but we can’t shift all blame for the debacle. Let’s be clear: SB 211 is now law because gunowners failed to get involved enough in General Assembly races after passage of the Gun Violence Act in 1996. True, 1998 elections gave us gains. Some friendlies are in office because of our efforts and likewise some enemies were sent packing. In fighting Glendening this year, we came closer to victory than in 96, in great part because of groundwork we laid.

But gun control is fought with exercise of raw political power, not facts and logic. This year we were rich with facts but light on power. (And what power we had was bartered away.) Blame for this can only sit with gunowners. Next time you’re at the club, look around at those who actively worked against investing in our General Assembly projects in the 98 elections. They more than anyone else are responsible for the new gun law this year. We all collectively get just the government we deserve.

Perspective is indeed important, and once we acknowledge that the anti-gun push in Maryland is part of a grander scheme, we must also recognize the important role we play in this proving ground for the left. In 2002, we must make them pay for what they did. Instead of limping home and licking our wounds until the next gun control proposal, we must build a bigger opposition network. That means recruiting others, becoming trained in how to build and run campaigns and host of other things we’d all rather avoid in favor of going to the range. In other words, we must do the things we did after 96, but more so. The other side is in this for the long haul. Are we? Are you?

The chief objective for this month’s newsletter is to go over in depth what happened on passage of SB 211: who did what and why they did it. As you’ll see, all legislators are on the record, but some will want only part of the record out depending on to whom they talk. The key vote by your Senator was not on 211 itself, but in the motion to bring it directly to the Senate floor. (Some Senators voted to bring the bill to the floor as Glendening wanted, then voted against the bill itself so they can claim to be pro-gun back home.) In the House, key votes to watch were on amendments. (We needed some amendment to force 211 to a conference committee. Some Delegates voted against all amendments to keep the bill "clean" just as Glendening wanted, then voted against the bill itself in order to look pro-gun back home.) To get the whole story, you need all votes in context.

Our topic in coming months’ newsletters will be to suggest where we go from there: how to organize and where to invest in order to rain political punishment upon those who gave us this law. Going after Parris is largely moot – he’s beyond affecting now. But we surely can and must have a say on who is the next legislature.

To all of you who called and wrote legislators when we needed you during session … who relayed the message to gun clubs and ranges … who continue to distribute our materials in your gun shops … whose generous donations keep us in stamps to expand our outreach … To the beat cops who cheer us on, even when we’re both oppressed by your department’s leadership-turned-politicians … and to the legislators who stuck with us through this hard session: Thank you!!!